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A New Era of Banking: Bank of Korea’s Introduction of Digital Currency

As the world rapidly embarks on a modern technological revolution, a rising concern is the unprecedented digitalization and transformative practices of money. Entering into the era of the New Economy, the advances of the digital economy will presumably allow a decisive method of transactions universally. Adapting to the technological revolution and rapid digitalization has challenged many central banks, including South Korea. The Bank of Korea, the central bank of South Korea, has decided to meet the growing demand and adapt to the changes brought by the digitization economy. South Korea’s government confirmed its plans to implement a central bank digital currency (CBDC) in three test regions, not including the capital Seoul. 

The purpose of the test regions is to pilot and experiment with payments and distribution to the public and to secure businesses that would accept payments via CBCD. The CBCD will be equivalent in value to the state currency, divided into wholesale CBDC for institutions and retail for individuals and daily use. It is scheduled to take place by the end of 2023 likely in Jeju, Busan, or Incheon by the Bank of Korea, the nation’s Financial Services Commission, and the Financial Supervisory Service. The pilot will be primarily based on wholesale CBDCs which means primarily for the use of financial institutions for interbank settlements rather than everyday transactions. Retail testing is expected to begin in the following year, 2024, on a limited scale for individual users. 

The Bank of Korea has an advanced financial institution due to its financial accessibility and well-developed payment systems. However, completely transitioning into a world without fiat money and into a world of digital currencies and cryptocurrencies has its trade-offs. The Bank of Korea’s research highlights the positive perspective on how CBCD can address future challenges. Korea already has a sophisticated fast payment system along with ownership of bank accounts being one of the highest in the world at 95% of its population. Digital currency is believed to not completely disrupt the system in place. The innovation in the financial sector is accelerating the advancements and the ability to implement digital currencies nationwide

Digital currencies and their respective markets are continuing to develop and without change, digital currency will become very disruptive to the world economies.  Financial institutions and banking systems have to evolve and transition parallelly because economies will never be the same again. This is challenging the traditional paradigm of governments and banking institutions but opens doors to the new era of banking. 

Written by: Community Outreach Intern, Kiana Flak

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Why ETA Remains a Constant Threat

Basque separatist group, the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (Basque Homeland and Liberty or ETA), remains an ever-present shadow in Spain despite disbanding in 2018, infiltrating public life and discourse. While the present threat of bombings and assassinations are nil, the peril ETA poses remains a vexing issue that should not be ignored. That danger that it brings to the country today is one of factionalism, and the exploitation of wounds that can be expanded and left gaping if this persistent air of tension is left to fester. Continued use of ETA as political tools by those seeking to win votes will run the risk of exacerbating the fragile social fabric that Spain has attempted to strengthen when it returned to democracy in 1975. Those who believe that ETA’s threat has passed are sorely mistaken, as ignorance of the problem does not lessen the reality.

ETA supporters’ zeal towards an independent Basque Country has not dimmed, despite their operations grinding to a halt. In the past 25 years, the process of what Ubasart-Gonzalez called “social delegitimation,” left ETA with less power, influence, and social acceptability than what it previously enjoyed. Nowadays, Spaniards who sympathized with ETA’s mission no longer tolerate deviations from the norm of peace and support good faith efforts toward settling differences through reconciliation. The experiences of the Madrid train bombings in 2004 and the targeting and assassination of Partido Popular politician Miguel Angel Blanco in 1997, solidified Spaniards’ aversion to violence in promoting political and social aims. Despite some autonomy granted to Spain’s regional governments and the recognition of the plurality of its character as a nation, there are consistent calls in the Basque Country for not only additional reforms, but complete separation from the Spanish state.

Politicians and those that use these divisions for selfish objectives do nothing but sow chaos and contribute to ETA’s complicated legacy. Both of the political right and left cannot absolve themselves of the continued utility of invoking ETA, be it the right’s usage of the slogan, “Que te vote Txapote, or “Let Txapote vote for you,” or the left’s reliance upon EH Bildu (Euskal Herria Bildu, a pro-independence, leftist alliance of Basque nationalists) to pass legislation in parliament. An egregious gesture was EH Bildu’s inclusion of several convicted criminals, some formerly affiliated with ETA, in their electoral lists for recent general elections held in July 2023. These actions are not just political ploys to win elections, as if they were divorced from the contextual landscape they inhabit. They are a recognition of the power of ETA’s memory and the continued fracture of Spain’s seams. While further violence may not be a realistic outcome, these deeds do nothing in moving the  needle forward to actual healing for the general public and the victims in particular. 

What steps can the government take to reverse this division? One is a revamping of civics education within all schools. Civics education must include an appreciation and accurate representation of the peoples in Spain that includes their languages, customs, and traditions. With the emergence of national far-right parties like Vox, the argument against these programs has been reduced to defending Spanish unity and nationhood, as if the country was monolithic, devoid of diversity. Although one could argue these voices are necessary to combat a growing secession movement in Catalonia and the Basque Country, this is an opportunity to change how students learn about their fellow citizens, so they are not demonized. Regional languages can be taught alongside Spanish in places where it is not predominantly spoken and field trips should be organized so students have first-hand experiences with the people and practices of a region. It is difficult to hate and separate yourselves from someone or something you do not have close knowledge of.

Lastly, the central government must enhance their cooperation with regional governments in areas of agreement according to each other’s priorities. The conversation of increased autonomy in domains like fiscal issues will inevitably be contentious, but are necessary to avoid continued breakdown in collaboration. While the central government recognizes the plurality of the country and does not inhibit the use of regional languages nor their instruction in schools, there is a constant fear of edicts being imposed from Madrid. The quickest way for ETA sympathizers to rekindle any relevance would be the central government inciting voices of those who seek to eliminate the diversity of Spain’s identity. Continued cooperation amongst all is the only way that the threat of an ever-present conflict worsening can be avoided. 

References:

Ubasart-González, G. (2019). ETA and state action: the development of Spanish antiterrorism. Crime, law and social change72(5), 569-586.

Stephen Santos is a MS candidate in the Global Studies and International Relations program at Northeastern University. 

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Voices in a Crowd: How People and Organizations can Change Ethiopia

Civil War. A word that has plagued human history, and Ethiopia is no exception. The Tigray War has shown that it is easier to divide a group of people than to bring them together and create a sense of community. Violence and political strife are the last steps that a population takes when they feel their voices are not being heard and are desperately trying to find a solution for their misery. The conflict in Ethiopia is a result of deeply rooted historical issues that the nation has repeatedly failed to remedy. Political strife, ethnic tension, and a lack of national identity dominate political, economic, and social life throughout Ethiopia. Instead of seeing the issue as a means to an end, the population has chosen to firmly establish the ‘us vs. them’ dichotomy, making it almost impossible to change the reality of the nation. The inability of the nation to fix their ills poses a threat to the people within the country, the horn of Africa, and the United States.

The internal health of the nation will determine the direction that Northern Africa will take for the rest of the 21st century. As the second largest population in Africa, Ethiopia plays an influential role; how the federal government conducts itself at home and abroad will set the stage for other African nations to follow. If Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed cannot manage to unite his own people and persuade people of different backgrounds to cooperate, how will he be able to conduct himself on the international stage? The Prime Minister inherited a problem that has been festering for decades but he has failed to utilize his political power to ignite change. Words of division, discriminatory police raids, and violence have deepened an invisible wound. However, change is possible and the people of Ethiopia have begun to take the necessary steps to secure a new future for the nation.

The complex history of the nation creates barriers that impact all sectors of life and impedes unification. Religious and ethnic intolerance is a brewing ground for economic and social inequities. The community that has the upper hand will depend on who is currently in power. Right now, Prime Minister Abiy and the Oromo people dictate what laws are implemented and how resources are distributed throughout the land. The current regime does not give room for different schools of thought and creates tension when someone speaks up about inhumane and unjust practices. However, there are people and organizations that have been putting in active effort to change the status quo and bring Ethiopia into a period of growth and peace.

Certain stakeholders have the ability to work a divided population and instill words of hope where hate and separation have been commonplace in a society. Voices matter in a Civil War. Sometimes all it takes is a couple of organized key players to start enacting change. An experienced stakeholder or organization can help broken communities see that they have more in common with their neighbors than history has led them to believe in the past. They can help break down the invisible barriers that have caused violence and hatred for decades. With key players, religious and political strife can be reduced and the seeds of a potential national identity can be planted.

Furthermore, certain voices create an echo chamber and help spread information and conversations that are instrumental in a peace process. The various cultural and religious individuals have allowed for a diverse pool of ideas that, if utilized appropriately, can be the missing key to help the nation secure political, social, and economic stability. Economists like President Solomon from the Ethiopian Geothermal Association and Dr. Won Kidane are experts in their field. They can help the nation become an economic powerhouse with the proper support. In the ethnic sector, the Ethiopian Community Mutual Assistance Association is an example of an organization that has facilitated dialogue and peacebuilding among different ethnic groups. Through grassroots initiatives, community engagement, and cultural exchange programs, the organizers have been able to make small steps toward peace. Lastly, social media influencers can grab the attention of a younger audience that may be dispersed throughout the world. Influencers like Jawar Mohammed have used their platforms to amplify the voices of marginalized communities, especially of the Oromo people. Mohammed’s charismatic demeanor enabled him to unify communities and start necessary discussions to generate a sense of togetherness. On the other hand, Samarawit Silva is a political activist that resides in the U.S. and actively protests the streets to show the dire humanitarian crisis that has destroyed her family and community. Through public protests, public demonstrations, and community organization, she can bring together the diaspora community throughout the U.S. to show Congress that effective action is needed in Ethiopia and that the U.S. needs to help people whose rights are being deprived. Each voice, even if small and insignificant, plays a role in minimizing the load of a conflict-ridden environment.

Change is a series of trial and error, and Ethiopia is beginning a long road where each sector of politics and life must be checked and altered. The end goal for Ethiopia should be establishing democracy and democratic systems where people and political parties will eventually learn to work together cohesively. However, specific steps need to be achieved before peace, stability, and prosperity can be entrenched in the nation. To remedy the three ills (political strife, ethnic tension, and lack of national identity) that have dominated the country for decades, the Ethiopian government must implement the above suggestions and commit to ending violence and oppression. The government has to learn to use the resources available to them and the voices that have played a part in the peace process, such as Dr. Won Kidane, to create hope and change the makeup of the land. The people of Ethiopia are feeling depleted and uninspired. A campaign that fosters interfaith dialogue and builds a sense of community to create a spark of optimism will help the state turn a leaf. Peace is possible, and the people of Ethiopia deserve to live a life where they are not judged for their culture or religious belief. Reinventing a nation is not an easy process, but the tiring work is necessary to correct the errors in human behavior that have allowed transgressions to occur. Currently, Ethiopia is playing a dangerous game of Jenga, and whether the tower can withstand the test of time will depend solely on the people’s will to pave a new path of peace.

Ana Beatriz Loureiro De Alencar is a M.S. candidate in Northeastern University’s Global Studies & International Relations program.

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China and Japan: A Return to a Rocky Relationship of the Past?

On Thursday, August 24, 2023 at 1:30 Japan officially began its plan to release treated radioactive waste water from the Fukushima Disaster into the ocean. This event was the culmination of planning and research since 2019 by the UN’s International Atomic Energy Association in cooperation with Japanese scientists, researchers, and government officials to find a way to move this treated wastewater, as the massive tanks holding much of this radioactive water have lost most of their capacity to continue doing so.

Though some experts have commented that the amount of radiation that will be released into the ocean will be minimal with “negligible effects” on people and marine life, China has been quick to condemn Japan in its efforts to release this treated wastewater, labeling Japan’s action as an “extremely selfish and irresponsible act that disregards the international public interest.” Furthermore, the same Thursday that Japan started to release its wastewater, China’s customs agency issued a ban on any aquatic products, namely seafood, being imported from at least 10 of Japan’s prefectures. 

With such quick and unrelenting measures being taken by the Chinese government, concerns from Chinese citizens have also begun to rise, as many have taken to Chinese social media platforms, like Weibo, to express their concerns. Both on and off-line, criticism towards the Japanese government and citizens has slowly increased, as calls for boycotting other Japanese products have grown. Though less common, other acts ensuing out of anger have emerged, such as a reported incident of stones being thrown in a Japanese school in China, though no students were harmed. Within Japan, both governmental and non-governmental entities have been receiving harassment from phone calls by many angered at this wastewater release plan. This has prompted the Japanese foreign ministry to urge China to protect the rights of Japanese citizens in Mainland China at all costs.

As the relationship between the two countries has begun to strain, the question of legitimacy on China’s part has risen: is it fair for China to make the argument that Japan is out of line, while also contributing to the deterioration of the environment? After all, China’s own Fuqing nuclear plant was reported to have released radioactive waste in liquid form in 2020.

Thus, uncertainty has sparked over the past few days as some have started to doubt whether or not this is actually an issue of concern for the oceans and environment. China and Japan’s rocky history could partly explain China’s actions. In 2012, Japan nationalized a group of islands in the East China Sea, which were claimed by both Tokyo and Beijing. This event provoked protests all across China, as many cried for boycotts of Japanese goods in China, with eventually some of these protests turning violent, harming Japanese businesses and generating overall anti-Japanese sentiment. With this history, and previous tensions predating 2012, China’s ban could very well mean that the issue at hand is just another way for China to find a way to exert power over Japan. 

In its current state, Japan is focusing on trying to use diplomatic means to get China to overturn its ban. With officials such as Japan’s prime minister urging the Chinese government to change their policy, and other figures such as mayors trying to find ways to keep their seafood sectors sailing smoothly with the absence of a Chinese export market, Japan has yet to give up. Yet, with China’s track record, it seems that they are also reluctant to give up, and will continue in supporting their ban. It is imperative that both countries find a way to meet in the middle; if both continue on the current route, the chances for escalation in tensions is very likely, and a return to the relationship they had in 2012 can materialize faster than imagined. 

Written by Special Projects Intern, Noor Razmdideh

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Curative Lessons from Three Global Neighbors

As a leading country of Africa, Ethiopia plays a key role in stabilizing East Africa, supporting the African Union, and acting as a pan-African voice to the world. Recent violence in the country took many by surprise, but inter-ethnic rivalries and conflict brewing for decades put Ethiopia on a path to violence of the last three years. However, Ethiopia is not alone when it comes to facing the task of managing deadly political violence, rampant ethno-religious conflicts, and other nationwide social pitfalls. Many other countries such as Colombia, Ghana, and Indonesia, while not perfect, have displayed transformative state behavior that could provide beneficial lessons for building a more violence-resistant Ethiopia. Considering the unabating violence that persists in Ethiopia today, the following examples are potentially curative lessons, including the formation of Colombia’s new Constitution in 1991, Ghana’s structured commitment to peacekeeping efforts, and the Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement.

LESSON 1:

Ethiopia can learn from Colombia’s 1991 constitution formation which established equitable political institutions, processes, and policies. Prior to the new constitution, Colombia experienced widespread violence, including the assassination of three presidential candidates and a prolonged state of siege. The demand for comprehensive reform led to the replacement of Latin America’s oldest constitution, drafted by diverse parties, including leaders, pastors, and even anti-government guerrilla groups. The new constitution acknowledged Colombia’s pluralism by allowing new parties and implementing a fair voting system, ensuring equal opportunities for smaller parties. It also established checks and balances on presidential power and implemented measures to combat corruption among Congress members. Ethiopia shares similarities with Colombia, including multilingual and multiethnic populations, historical complexities, and periods of conflict over central governance. Ethiopia can look to emulate Colombia’s approach by establishing a constitutional convention of its own and formally introducing a legal framework that mandates equity and peace.

LESSON 2:

Ethiopia can look to Ghana’s successful peacekeeping efforts and institutions. Despite post-colonial challenges and domestic instability, Ghana has become a model African nation committed to peace and stability. Institutions like the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre (KAIPTC) reflect Ghana’s dedication to providing education and training on peacekeeping globally. Ethiopia could benefit by adopting a similar program to the KAIPTC, which has transformed Ghana’s military into a respected and disciplined organization. The KAIPTC collaborates with numerous countries and the United Nations to educate future peace professionals and contribute to global peacekeeping missions. While challenges remain, such as youth unemployment and security threats, Ghana takes timely measures to address them, including signing agreements and launching strategies. Ethiopia should consider the advantages of proactive conflict prevention rather than allowing grievances to persist.

LESSON 3:

Finally, Ethiopia can look east to an important lesson from the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Indonesia’s government and the Free Aceh Movement, officially agreed upon on August 15, 2005. After nearly three decades of fighting, Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) or the Islamist Free Aceh Movement, failed to achieve its objective of separating Aceh from Indonesia, prompting them to enter negotiations following a series of devastating tsunamis and earthquakes. 

Ethiopia has much to study from this ceasefire. First, the rebels surrendered hundreds of weapons to independent international monitors over the course of four stages. Second, the Government of Indonesia withdrew a significant number of its own troops and police officers, established a court of justice, granted amnesty to imprisoned GAM members, and ensured 70% of Aceh’s valuable resources remained in the province. Third, both parties engaged in negotiations facilitated by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. Last, the MOU included reforms to allow Aceh parties to participate in nationwide politics. The government of Ethiopia, the African Union, and other independent monitors should aim to establish a similar MOU with specific provisions for Ethiopia to adhere to moving forward. 

Looking Forward

The delicate peace in Ethiopia provides a window of opportunity for the Ethiopian Government and international community to identify practical ways to reduce the divide between the various factions in the country. Welcoming outside advisors and assistance from the United Nations and African Union, as well as experts from the three example countries, to adapt the lessons learned to meet the needs of Ethiopia could finally help to resolve long-standing grievances, build a national identity, and restore Ethiopia’s position as a leading African nation.

Written by: Diana Woo, Master’s Candidate 23′ for Global Studies & International Relations at Northeastern University

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“Respect My Vote”-Thai Establishment Maneuvers Against Popular Will in Recent Election

“Why Have an Election?” “Respect my vote!” cried Thai protestors in response to the post-
election moves of the establishment, which tried to deny the Move Forward Party’s sweeping
victory in Thailand’s general election that took place this May. The Move Forward Party, headed
by Pita Limjaroenrat, is a progressive party that triumphed decisively by promising changes to
shake the foundation of the status quo. The current establishment had come to power after a coup
d’état in 2014, and has since continued a conservative, neo-royalist, and military rule of 9 years.

Although Move Forward had formed an 8-party coalition that represented over 70% of the voting
population after its landslide victory, Thailand still does not have its new government months
after the election. According to the 2017 constitution, a hand-picked senate of 250 members has
the power to choose the Prime Minister along with the elected parliament. This unelected body
has the interest and the power to maintain conservative rule, many of its members being ex-
military officers. By intentionally abstaining from the first round of voting, and condemning
Pita’s second round of voting as unconstitutional, the senate had maneuvered to postpone the
further vote that had been scheduled on July 27th, indefinitely.

Meanwhile, the 8-party coalition is strained by this postponement, and party coalitions are
shifting. The runner-up Pheu Thai Party, a long-time opposition party in the parliament and
former ally of the Move Forward Party is seeking to form a coalition with other conservative
parties in an attempt to secure its power. All of the conservative parties vowed to not join a
coalition with the Move Forward party, citing their proposal to amend the lèse-majesté law.

The party’s promise of amending the lèse-majesté law was at the heart of controversies for many
conservative neo-royalists. The law criminalizes criticisms of the royal family, making it
punishable by 3-15 years in prison, and the Move Forward Party proposed to soften such harsh
penalties. Moreover, a complaint had been accepted by the court that defined this proposal as
unconstitutional and treacherous for challenging the constitutional monarchy of Thailand. This
verdict could potentially result in the party’s resolution and a decade-ban on its executives for
holding office. In addition to this, the Move Forward Party had put forth 300 proposals aiming to
challenge the establishment, including subordinating the military to civilian leadership,
abolishing conscription, dismantling monopolies, and more. Among them, the most controversial
was the promise to amend the lèse-majesté law, which criminalizes criticisms of the royal family,
punishable by 3-15 years in prison. These proposals target the traditionalist and neo-royalist core
of the status quo, which had in the past maneuvered the system to conserve its power.

Nevertheless, this election and the manipulation that followed were able to stir up public hope
and anger like never before. The sound support for the Move Forward Party signaled
generational shifts toward a pro-democracy direction. A trend was also witnessed in Myanmar
and its protests not long ago. The center of the conflict is over the source of political legitimacy:
popular sovereignty versus traditional authority. With the people’s will for democratic
representation and the minority status quo’s slyness of political manipulation both increasing,
tensions are on the rise in Thailand which indicates potential for confrontation.

Written by Special Projects Intern, Yiting Zhang

References:

https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/thailand/thai-establishment-thwarts-popular-will-post-election-moves
https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Thai-election/Pheu-Thai-splits-from-Move-Forward-to-secure-PM-vote-for-Srettha
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Why France is Failing West Africa

Niamey, Niger

Popular demonstrations fill the streets of the Western African nation after a military coup that occurred against the democratically elected President Bazoum last week.

Massive demonstrations led to attacks on the French Embassy as well as the condemnation of other West African nations that imposed sanctions on Niger as well as demanding the departure of foreign troops from their land, including both the military bases of The United States and France. The West African Economic Community (ECOWAS) has also threatened force if President Bazoum is not reinstated by Sunday August 6th.

France, the former colonial power of Niger and much of Western Africa, responded threatening retaliation on any action taken against French nationals. Macron going as far as to claim that the coup d’etat is, “completely illegitimate and profoundly dangerous for the Nigeriens, Niger, and the whole region”.  During Macron’s presidency aid to the region has increased and Macron began the process of returning cultural artefacts stolen during the French occupation of West Africa. French military presence in the Sahel region remains present to fight jihadist militants that kill local civilians, police, soldiers, and ECOWAS members. Despite these efforts, France has grown incredibly unpopular among many nations in the region.

In neighboring Mali in May of 2022, following a breakdown in relations the French forces began pulling out of the nation and as of late June 2023, Mali removed the French language as its official language with overwhelming support. The new Constitution passed with almost 97% of the vote on June 18th in a move to recognize local African languages such as Bambara, Bobo, and Dogon. In Algeria, President Abelmadijd Tebboune has moved primary education to be in Arabic and English stating, “French is a spoil of war, but English is an international language”. These changes all signal a rapid decline in the presence and perception of France in its former colonies in West Africa.

Anti-French Sentiments in the region emerge from the apparent wealth disparities between France and the African states. Among young Malians and Nigeriens, they view France as the main reason for the prevailing poverty in their nations. Despite the independence of these states France has maintained a very prominent presence in many African nations. One of the best examples of the way that France maintains economic control over these states is through the CFA Franc, a regional currency which is directly tied to the euro, by French guarantee. Critics claim that this allows the French government to manipulate the economic power of the nations who use it as their national currency including Mali, Niger, Senegal and other former French colonies in Africa.

These emerging coups in African states signal a dramatic step away from democracy, but to others it represents the ability for self-determination in former French colonies.

Written by Administrative Intern Charles Larkin

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The Earth Breaks its Record for the Highest Average Temperature – Four Days in a Row

Amid Fourth of July celebrations and beach days all across the nation, the planet reached the hottest it has ever been, on average, for four consecutive days. July 6 was the warmest day on record, as the global average temperature reached 17.23°C, or 63.02°F, which was 1.02°C, or 1.8°F above the average for that day. Overall, the days from July 3-6 have now claimed the title of being the four hottest days on record, as each day became a fraction of a degree warmer than the previous.

In fact, looking at the summer season thus far, we’ve experienced the hottest June since pre-industrial times, as this June was 2.5°F warmer than the average global temperature of June in the late 1700s/early 1800s. This could explain why the wildfires in Canada, which drifted over into neighboring New York and the rest of the U.S. East Coast last month, burned at least 19,027,114 acres, marking the worst Canadian wildfire season on record. From Texas to Florida, temperatures are easily reaching over 110°F.

Outside of North America, June temperatures hit record highs in the Chinese capital of Beijing, as many other Chinese cities are currently experiencing heat over 100°F. Similarly, Spain, Iran, Vietnam, and India all reported extreme heat within the past month, with India even recording peaks in deaths due to such high temperatures.

With such events becoming more common due to global warming and climate change, it makes it much more difficult for all of us to stay within the goal of not exceeding 1.5°C, as brought forth in the Paris Climate Agreement. It is crucial to understand that though the global average temperature broke records last week, such records will continue to be broken again and again in the near future as unrestricted climate change and global warming worsens.

Further Reading:
June Has Hottest Start on Record | National News | U.S. News (usnews.com)
World hits record land, sea temperatures as climate change fuels 2023 extremes | Reuters
This week has had several days of the hottest temperatures on record : NPR
Earth saw hottest day yet, the fourth straight global record (axios.com)
Canadian wildfire smoke reaches Europe as Canada reports its worst fire season | CNN

Written by Special Projects Intern, Noor Razmdideh

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A Seat For a Seat: Understanding How Sweden’s Future NATO Membership Comes Down to the Turkish President.

Sweden’s ascension into NATO is secured, claims NATO Chief Jens Stoltenberg. The recent news emerging from the NATO conference in Vilnius, Lithuania, is positive for Sweden hoping to finally join the alliance after being blocked by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan since April. Sweden and Finland both had applied to join the North American and European military alliance at the same time, fearing Russia’s military expansion. Finland’s acceptance into the alliance occurred recently on April 4th 2023, while Sweden’s had been delayed. 

In order for a new nation to join NATO, all other current members must agree unanimously, meaning Turkey’s sole opposition to the Swedish joining the alliance functions as a veto. 

Turkey’s main claims against Sweden were that Sweden was supporting forces against the Turkish government by providing a free operating environment to Turkish dissidents that Turkey labels as terrorist organizations.

The list of organizations includes a religious movement that the Turkish government accused of trying to overthrow President Erdogan in 2016 and supporters of a Kurdish militant organization that continues to fight against the Turkish state. A recent Quran burning demonstration by an Iraqi Christian immigrant outside of a Mosque in Stockholm on June 27th added tension, as Turkey viewed the act as a sign of both Islamophobia and another reason that Sweden and Turkey cannot see eye-to-eye. 

Sweden had been recently taking action to appease the Turkish government, recently amending its constitution and hardening its counterterrorism laws. The Swedish government also extradited many of the individuals wanted by the Turkish government to gain favor. But this appears to not be sufficient for the Turkish government as they announced that in exchange for letting Sweden join NATO, the European Union should, “clear the way” for Turkey to Join the European Union (EU). 

Turkey’s application for the EU, which began in 2005, has been stalled due to the Union’s criticisms of both human rights violations and deficits in rule of law in Turkey. These concerns have resulted in the Union labeling the Turkish government currently unfit to join due to disproportionate repressive measures. Turkey has received sanctions from the European Union for its activities in the Mediterranean as recently as 2021. 

Turkey currently enjoys a very privileged diplomatic position and the latest condition could present huge economic opportunities for Turkey,  but it is still undecided how the EU will react to this change as many NATO members are also EU members. It is very possible that we may see a seat in the EU being traded for a seat in NATO. 

Written by Administrative Intern, Charles Larkin

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Vive La Révolution: Making Sense of the French Pension Reform Protests

For three months now, millions of French citizens have been taking part in the largest mass demonstrations seen in the country since the Crisis of ‘68. In France’s largest cities, rioters are shouting “increase salaries, not the retirement age” and “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity” surrounded by torched government buildings and looted stores. The focus of these protests? A controversial pension reform act, including, among other things, legislation that would increase the retirement age from 62 to 64. The Macron government, one of the most unpopular in France in living memory, argues that the reforms are necessary to keep France’s struggling pension system afloat, though the French citizenry, grappling with one of the most pressing cost of living crises in living memory feel that with this reform, another piece of their economic liberty is being taken away. 

Most controversially, the Macron government decided to enact Article 49.3 to allow the reform to go into effect without the need of a vote by the National Assembly. Effectively, pushing through the reform without a democratically elected vote, and without the consent of the French people. To the French, this blatant disregard for France’s democratic institutions emphasizes the unpopularity of the current government, and has invalidated the French government as a representation of the French people. The wave of discontent shown across the nation, culminating in labor demonstrations like the publicized Parisian city maintenance workers strikes and acts of violence like the torching of the city hall in Bordeaux, emphasize the discontent already pervasive within France even before this series of unpopular reforms. 

Interpreted socially, we can see how these reforms emphasize the growing rift between the Macron government and working/middle class French. Those who have increasingly felt the pinch of first the COVID-19 pandemic, second, the resulting cost of living crisis, and now the social unrest of these pension reforms are increasingly feeling that the current government sways too much in favor of the rich. Additionally, the police crackdown on protests in numerous French cities has not only escalated the violence, but also called into question the brutality of the French police force. The wide push back to this set of reforms constitutes one of the most substantial mass demonstrations in France since the May ‘68 Crisis. As we examine them from a wider perspective, they form part of a larger wave of unrest around the world in reaction to the economic crisis left after the COVID-19 pandemic. This wave of unrest calls into question the sustainability of growth as many nations in the Global North not only recover from the pandemic, but also mature economically and demographically. Surely, more mass demonstrations like these shall follow in the coming years.

Written by Research & Development Intern, Andrew Martin

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